While many Western nations are openly condemning China for its stance on the , India has managed to avoid the West's fury, experts say.
On 3 March, seven days after Russian President Vladimir Putin launched an invasion of Ukraine — a move he labelled a "special military operation" — the to demand an immediate halt to Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.
The resolution was approved by 141 countries. Five nations — Russia, Belarus, North Korea, Eritrea and Syria — voted against it, while 38 countries abstained from voting, including India and China.
A UN security council draft resolution on the Ukraine crisis less than a week earlier was vetoed by Russia, with China, India and the United Arab Emirates all abstaining, with India's ambassador TS Tirumurti saying global order was "anchored on international law ... and respect for territorial sovereignty of all states".
The Russian embassy in New Delhi praised India for its "independent and balanced position at the voting".
Since the UN votes, the West has openly rebuked China, with NATO making its stance clear on 15 March.
"China should join the rest of the world in condemning strongly the brutal invasion of Ukraine by Russia," NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said.
"The Russian invasion of Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law so we call on [China] to clearly condemn the invasion and of course not support Russia. And we are closely monitoring any signs of support from China to Russia."
Just days later, in a well-publicised almost two-hour-long call with Chinese President Xi Jinping on 18 March, United States President Joe Biden warned China of "the implications and consequences" it would face if it were to provide material support to Russia.
Australia joined the chorus, too, with Defence Minister Peter Dutton, on 16 March, saying China's failure to call out Russia "should send alarm bells across the world".
But according to Teesta Prakash, research fellow at Lowy Institute, the West has refused to "publicly call out India" so far.
In fact, Western nations such as Australia are bolstering ties with India, with Foreign Affairs Minister Marise Payne, for instance, on 22 March, announcing the establishment of a new Centre for Australia-India Relations "to help foster new ties and support our expanding exchange and co-operation with India".
'India is not a democracy promoter'
An expert on the politics of the Indo-Pacific region, Professor Prakash said she's not surprised about India's stance on Russia.
"While it is a democracy and perhaps the biggest one because of the virtue of its population, India has never been a democracy promoter," Professor Prakash told SBS News.
"In 2020, when the Myanmar coup happened, India remained quiet. And that's largely because India has always been non-aligned – it views these kinds of matters as the country's internal matters and doesn't comment on these issues," she said.
But the silence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi over Mr Putin's actions in Ukraine is more than just a non-interference policy, Professor Prakash believes.
Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) greets Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during their bilateral meeting in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in June 2019. Credit: Mikhail Svetlov/Getty Images
John Blaxland — professor of International Security & Intelligence Studies at Australian National University’s Strategic and Defence Studies Centre — agrees.
"Russia has been very helpful for India in containing the security challenge posed by Pakistan and China on its land borders, so [some] may say [India has] provided that tacit support [to Russia] by effectively abstaining from voting at the UN [General Assembly]," Professor Blaxland told SBS News.
The Soviet Union and later Russia has for long supported India against Pakistan over the Kashmir conflict.
The UN Security Council called for international intervention on the matter in 1957, 1962 and 1971. All three resolutions were vetoed by the Soviet Union, leading to the widely used political slogan in India: Hindi rusi bhai bhai (Indians and Russians are brothers).
Writing for the Lowy Institute's The Interpreter, political analyst Henry Storey said: "Ever since a US arms boycott of the subcontinent during the 1965 Kashmir War, Russia (then the USSR) has been India’s go-to arms supplier."
Why the West is quiet
Professor Blaxland said India and China cannot be compared when it comes to their stance over Russia.
"China's role as a facilitator for Putin's confidence to attack is much more significant than India's. Putin did not come to Delhi to seek support for the war in Ukraine. He went to Beijing," he said.
And that’s an important differentiating point, he said.
Even though China has denied it endorsed the war, Professor Blaxland said: "We would be kidding ourselves, if [we believe] there wasn’t a frank discussion between Putin and Xi about the prospect of a neat and tidy [and] short decapitation of the Ukrainian government by the Russian Spetsnaz special forces".
Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing on 4 February, just weeks before Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Source: Anadolu / Anadolu Agency/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
But to really understand why the West is not criticising India over its stance on Russia, Professor Prakash said, it’s important to "understand the strategic calculus within the Indo-Pacific".
"India needs to stand up to China, as [do] Australia, the US and Japan. And the [only] way [India] can stand up to China is by having those Russian arms.
"And the West really understands India's predicament right now and its strategic constraints and liabilities. And that’s why there's more of a subtle solidarity with India rather than with China," she said.
‘Behind the scenes’
Professor Prakash said members of the Quad — a strategic security dialogue involving India, Australia, Japan and the US — understand publicly calling out India has never worked
“In fact, it could stir resentment within New Delhi.”
But Professor Prakash said she’s fairly confident private conversations are applying pressure on India through diplomatic channels to voice its concern over the Ukraine crisis.
Professor Blaxland agrees.
“The Quad partners are eager to avoid making life more difficult in public for India than it already is.
“But I am quite confident that, behind the scenes, they are pushing India to take a more constructive and critical role in pushing Russia to make concessions and to see the conflict comes to an end."
